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Confronting Farmaajo, Saving Somalia: Now or Never!

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On the 8th of February 2017, Somalis at home and abroad gathered in front of the TV screens to watch the presidential elections, eager to see who assumes the highest office. Would that be President Hassan Sheikh? Would he be able to stand up to his challengers? Would Sharif Sh. Ahmed be able to make it this time, making a dramatic comeback to the Villa Somalia? Are we going to see a new leader at the helm? These were the main topics of the day.

All of a sudden, when the electoral commission began counting the votes, things started to look disastrous for both the incumbent president, Hassan Sheikh and former president Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, who were the front-runners in the eyes of the public, it became apparent that the underdog, Mohamed Abdullahi (Farmaajo) was doing better than many expected.

Out of nowhere and frankly against all odds, it was Farmaajo who slowly but steadily became a serious challenger to the incumbent president Hassan Sh. Mohamud, coming in second in the first round. Farmaajo managed to keep the momentum in the second round, running away with the lead, and in the process defeating the incumbent president. The sound of celebration over took the murmur of speculation! Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed (Farmaajo) became the president of the federal government of Somalia.

The Somali people home and abroad cheered and applauded their new president, a popular politician in the eyes of the people, they had high hopes of him, celebrating him as “the saviour of the nation” in a heroic move, both president Hassan and president Sharif stood behind the new president and pledged their unconditional support for his presidency!

President Farmaajo and his team, instead of taking advantage of the public support coming up with policies and initiatives to advance the development of the nation, to bring both security and political stability, they choose the wrong path, a path of dictatorship, oppression, undermining the rule of law, and in the process making lots of new enemies many of whom were their supporters in the initial days.

President Farmaajo in his first year in office made a catastrophic and damaging decision, handing over Abdulkarim Sh. Muse (Qalbi-dhagax) a Somali national, a former military officer of the Somali National Army to a foreign adversary, a country we had no extradition agreement with, and frankly a country many of the Somali people consider an sworn enemy. Huge backlash erupted, the public became furious, the parliament strongly condemned the move, Farmaajo and his group foolishly ignored the backlash and instead made a bigger blunder, this time calling ONLF (The Ogadane National Liberation Front) a terrorist group, an insult to injury.

ONLF being a group that fought for the self determination of the Somali Region of Ethiopia A.K. Ogaden, is seen by many as a group that fights for the Somali People under oppression in Ethiopia.

On the other hand, President Farmaajo and his team didn’t stop there, they began to terrorize anyone who disagreed with them, raiding the homes of politicians, killing innocent people, including SNA personnel, prohibiting free press, turning NISA (National Intelligence Service) into a cartel, undermining the system of government we have – the federal system, disregarding the separation of powers, destroying the authority of the parliament, and the judiciary system.

Hence, after three years in office, anyone expecting President Farmaajo to come to his senses and act presidential, respect the constitution, respect the separation of powers, hold fair and free elections, and put the unity and the wellbeing of our nation above all is unfortunately without a doubt mistaken.

In my observation, Farmaajo is a tyrant with a cruel intentions, surrounded by thugs and terrorists willing to do the dirty work for him, with that in mind, one thing is certain, and that’s Farmaajo and his thugs will not and I mean WILL NOT leave office and handover power in a peaceful manner, they’ll either be kicked out or they are there to stay with an iron fist.

Somalia is where it’s today, only because we had a wicked dictator and a regime that was so cruel to the people, and what was the consequences? A bloody civil war that contributed to the collapse of our country which lasted nearly 30 years.

Farmaajo who spent all of this time in Buffalo New York, is now leading Somalia to the same path, a path of conflict and destruction before our eyes and all we are doing is crying like babies, and hoping for the better, WE ARE DEAD WRONG. The time has come, we must understand the reality on the ground and say enough is enough, and stand up to Villa Somalia, we better stop them now or face the consequences which will likely be more severe than we had so far experienced.

You may ask the question what am I advocating for here?, I am advocating for the freedom and the rights of the Somali people who are living under a blockade imposed by none other than Farmaajo’s regime, those who cannot express their opinions, who don’t have the freedom of movement, who live with constant fear, those heartbroken mother’s whose sons are taken away forcefully by Farmaajo and his thugs and sent away to overseas, those who lost their loved ones, and the young generation who deserve a better future, and in order this to happen, we must and I mean must use any means necessary to confront Farmaajo and his thugs NOW or we are all doomed.

In the interview Farmaajo gave Universal Tv, although the interviewer did not ask follow up questions and the whole thing being heavily edited by Villa Somalia, one thing was very obvious, and that’s Farmaajo demonstrated very clearly his true intentions, no elections in 2021. He declared the process that made him a president unconstitutional! Paving the way for him to architecture the right process in line with the constitution, Its an insult to intuition!

Farmaajo and his thugs are destabilizing the federal member states, working day and night to install their preferred loyalists on the people and governments of these states using intimidation and blackmail, through economic sanctions and isolation and some financial incentives for those who choose to take their side. Remember people are dying of starvation feet’s away from where Farmaajo resides! All of these things are taking place simply because of their dangerous scheme to remain in office by any means necessary after 2021.

A credible, fair and free election, independent of the interference of Villa Somalia, must take place on 8th Feb, 2021, that is the only thing we should embrace and never accept anything less than that, it is better and more honourable to fight for our rights than to be led and oppressed by these thugs. The time has come where we say ENOUGH IS ENOUGH, we must draw the lines and confront them at all cost, otherwise we are headed to a dead end.


 

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Waa qoraa, falanqeeye arrimaha siyaasadda Soomaaliya oo ka tirsan Somalism.so. Ka diyaariya shahaadadda heerka labaad ee Master ka, Xiriirka Caalimiga Jaamacadda Nairobi. Qoraa wax ka qora, arrimaha siyaasadda. Ku daabacay qoraalo warbaahinta iyo website yadda gudaha Soomaaliya kuwooda ugu waaweyn.

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Somalia’s 1p1v Elections: Why a Year and a Half Timeline in Unrealistic

While the agreement between the Somali Federal Government and its member states to conduct 1p1v elections across the country within a year and a half is a significant step forward, the timeline remains highly unrealistic.

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In a historic development for Somalia, the country’s Federal Government and member states reached an agreement at the National Consultation Council late this May to hold one person, one vote (1p1v) elections across the entire country within a year and a half. The move comes as a significant step towards democratizing the country’s political system, which has faced years of chaos and instability.

While the agreement may be seen as a significant achievement, analysts believe that the timeline for conducting 1p1v elections is highly unrealistic considering the long and complex process involved in conducting credible, transparent, and peaceful elections. Some of the main issues include the issuance of identification cards to citizens, voter registration, and awareness-raising campaigns.

The process of issuing identification cards to citizens is a significant challenge, given the vast, decentralized nature of Somalia’s population. The country has been rocked by years of political unrest and civil war, which has resulted in the displacement of millions of Somalis. In addition, the country has been plagued by terrorism from the Al-Shabaab group, which has actively targeted the government and its attempts to restore stability. The sheer logistical challenges of coordinating an ID issuance to millions of citizens across the country seem daunting.

In addition to ID issuance, there are also serious challenges in conducting voter registration campaigns required for any credible election process. Voter registration is a vital process that ensures that every eligible citizen is registered to cast their vote. However, it takes considerable time, effort, and resources to register voters in a country like Somalia, which has millions of displaced people living in makeshift settlements.

Furthermore, there is a need for significant awareness-raising campaigns to educate citizens on the importance of registering to vote. Many Somalis may not be aware of the electoral process or the significance of their vote. This requires a significant investment of resources and time, which will prove challenging in the current political climate of Somalia.

There are also infrastructure challenges to conducting successful elections in Somalia. In addition to ballot boxes, voting machines and counting technology, establishing polling stations across the country is no easy feat. Somalia has vast regions of hard-to-reach areas that have limited infrastructure, including a lack of roads, communication networks, and other essential services. This is particularly crucial for any credible election process, as polling stations must be adequately secured and equipped with adequate resources to ensure a smooth and successful electoral process.

Another crucial issue that must be addressed is the security situation. In the past, elections held in Somalia have been marred by violence and intimidation, particularly by extremist groups such as Al-Shabaab. To ensure the credibility of the election process, the security situation must be addressed effectively. This will require a significant investment of resources and collaboration between the Somali government and its partners, including the African Union and the United Nations.

In conclusion, while the agreement between the Somali Federal Government and its member states to conduct 1p1v elections across the country within a year and a half is a significant step forward, the timeline remains highly unrealistic. The complex challenges involved in issuing identification cards, conducting voter registration, raising awareness about the importance of voting, providing infrastructure, and ensuring security cannot be accomplished in such a short period. Any credible, transparent, and peaceful electoral process requires time and investment in building the necessary infrastructure and conducting proper stakeholder engagement. The Somali government and its partners must recognize the gravity of the situation and work towards developing a more realistic timeline for holding 1p1v elections in the country.

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Somali People Unite: A Call to Action for Civil Disobedience

Power abuse is a third challenge that the Somali people face. A notable example of this is the use of force and repression by government officials, including the police and military, against ordinary citizens or opposition groups.

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In recent years, Somali people have seen an erosion of their political rights and fundamental freedoms. The Somali government, with the support of international donors and partners, has implemented policies that directly contravene the will of the Somali people. These policies include indirect elections, lack of representation, power abuse, and human rights and civil liberties violations. In the face of these challenges, the Somali people must now consider the implementation of civil disobedience as a means of gaining back control and protecting their democratic rights.

Indirect elections are one of the major issues that have contributed to the erosion of the Somali people’s political rights. Since the founding of FGS, the Somali government has used an electoral system that favors clan-based power-sharing, often over the will of citizens. This system has allowed clan elders and other powerful individuals to control the process and has limited the voice and representation of ordinary Somalis. The much-anticipated 2021 parliamentary elections were pushed back for a period of two years, leaving indirectly elected officials in power with unconstitutional, extended terms.

Lack of representation is another significant issue for the Somali people. Under the current political system, many tribal minorities lack fair representation in government. This lack of representation has contributed to political marginalization and alienation, particularly for more vulnerable groups like women and youth. As a result, policies are often made without consulting affected communities or taking into account their needs or interests.

Power abuse is a third challenge that the Somali people face. A notable example of this is the use of force and repression by government officials, including the police and military, against ordinary citizens or opposition groups. These tactics are often used to silence any voices that criticize the government or question its policies, and they undermine the democratic process.

Finally, human rights and civil liberties violations are commonplace in Somalia. The human rights situation has been particularly grim over the past decade, with frequent reports of extrajudicial killings, torture, and arbitrary detention by government security forces. Freedom of expression is particularly problematic and is often met with heavy-handed responses from security forces. Journalists and activists have been targeted relentlessly, and censorship of mainstream and social media has become commonplace.

Given these challenges, it is essential that the Somali people seek to implement civil disobedience as a means of redressing the balance. Civil disobedience has a long and proud history in political struggles around the world, and Somalia is no exception. Through peaceful protests, non-cooperation with unjust laws or policies, and other forms of resistance, the Somali people can seek to secure their democratic rights.

Through civil disobedience, the Somali people can communicate a clear message to government officials and the international community, that their policies are contrary to the will of the Somali people. Somali civil society and progressive elites play a crucial role in mobilizing people and ensuring that protests and other direct actions are organized in a peaceful manner.

For civil disobedience to succeed, there is a need for a strong, vibrant and diverse civic society, effective communication and coordination among activists and civil society organizations, and a clear understanding of the goals and objectives of the movement. Dialogue is an effective tool for resolving conflict, and the government needs to show its willingness to talk their citizens.

In conclusion, the Somali people have been faced with policies and laws that are implemented against their will, including indirect elections, lack of representation, power abuse, and human rights and civil liberties violations. Civil disobedience is a powerful tool that the Somali people can use to express their opposition to these policies, demand a participatory and democratic political system that truly represents their interests, and hold accountable those responsible for violating their rights. Through peaceful and coordinated action, Somali civilians can secure a brighter and democratic future that will benefit all.

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of Diblomaasi, its editorial board or staff.

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Political Elite Benefit While Youth Needs Ignored, Says Qaransoor Party

In a press release issued earlier today, the party criticized the move, arguing that it would only serve to benefit the political elite while ignoring the needs of the country’s young people amid the already fragile economy.

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The Qaransoor Party, a political opposition party in Somalia, has raised concerns about the recent appointment of several special envoys by President Hassan Sheikh who has been elected 4.5 formula last year may 2022. The 4.5 formula is the division of the Somali population into five groups along clan lines, where four of the five groups are the “major clans” whereas the fifth group includes all other clans and peoples not covered by the first four groups.

Unfortunately, 4.5 is unfair system, Somalia’s vast population have been denied to exercise their inalienable right of fair representation, a political right which is clearly stipulated in the country’s provisional constitution. Moreover, Somalis are 100 percent Muslims and the Islamic religion is both based on and promotes egalitarian principles more than any other faith.

In a press release issued earlier today, the party criticized the move, arguing that it would only serve to benefit the political elite while ignoring the needs of the country’s young people amid the already fragile economy.

“By appointing more special envoys, the President is creating additional opportunities for those in the upper echelons of society and politics,” the statement read. “While ignoring the pressing need to create employment opportunities for young people at the lower end of the socioeconomic ladder. This is unacceptable, particularly given the high levels of unemployment and poverty in Somalia.”

The Qaransoor Party’s concerns come at a time when Somalia is grappling with rising unemployment rates and a sluggish economy. With a youth unemployment rate of over 60%, many young people in the country are struggling to find work and make ends meet.

The party argued that the government’s focus should be on creating more jobs and economic opportunities for young people, rather than appointing more special envoys. “We urge the government to prioritize the needs of the country’s young people and work towards creating a more equitable and inclusive society,” the statement read.

The appointment of special envoys is not uncommon in Somalia’s political landscape, with many seeing it as a way for the government to reward political allies and supporters. However, the Qaransoor Party’s statement suggests that this practice may be exacerbating existing inequalities and leaving young people behind.

It remains to be seen how the government will respond to the Qaransoor Party’s concerns, but the opposition group’s statement is likely to spark further debate and discussion about the priorities of Somalia’s leaders and the needs of its people.

 

Read the full press release here: {Qaransoor.so/————)

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Somalia’s Call to Lift the Arms Embargo: Why the International Community Should Listen?

The current arms embargo has also hindered Somalia’s ability to protect its territorial waters and natural resources. Somalia has a long coastline, and its waters are rich in fish and other natural resources. However, illegal fishing and piracy have been rampant due to the lack of capacity to patrol and protect the waters.

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The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) imposed an arms embargo on Somalia in 1992, in response to the civil war and political instability that had plunged the country into chaos. The embargo was intended to prevent the flow of weapons to armed groups and warlords, thereby promoting peace and security in the country. However, over the years, the embargo has had unintended consequences that have hindered Somalia’s progress towards stability and development. Therefore, there is growing consensus among Somali leaders and international observers that the embargo needs to be lifted.

One of the main reasons why the arms embargo needs to be lifted is that it has severely limited the Somali government’s ability to build a capable security force that can effectively combat terrorism and other security threats in the country. Somalia remains one of the most insecure countries in the world, with several armed groups, including Al-Shabaab, operating in many parts of the country. Al-Shabaab is a terrorist group that has been responsible for several deadly attacks in Somalia and neighboring countries.

According to Dr. Abdiweli Ali, a Somali scholar and former prime minister of Somalia, “The arms embargo has made it difficult for the Somali government to build a capable security force, and this has left the country vulnerable to terrorism and other security threats.”

The current arms embargo has also hindered Somalia’s ability to protect its territorial waters and natural resources. Somalia has a long coastline, and its waters are rich in fish and other natural resources. However, illegal fishing and piracy have been rampant due to the lack of capacity to patrol and protect the waters.

Dr. Mohamed Ahmed, a Somali scholar and political analyst, states that “The lifting of the arms embargo would enable Somalia to build a well-equipped and trained navy that can effectively patrol its waters and protect its natural resources. This would boost the country’s economy and provide job opportunities for many Somalis.”

Furthermore, the arms embargo has also undermined the Somali government’s sovereignty and the ability to protect its citizens. The Somali government has the primary responsibility to protect its citizens and maintain law and order in the country. However, the current arms embargo has limited the government’s ability to do so, leaving many Somalis vulnerable to violence and insecurity.

According to Dr. Abdiweli Ali, “The Somali government needs to build a competent security force to combat terrorism, piracy, and other security threats in the country. The lifting of the arms embargo would enable the government to do so and protect its citizens.”

Several key events have also demonstrated the need to lift the arms embargo. In 2017, the Somali government requested the UNSC to lift the arms embargo, citing the urgent need to build a capable security force to combat terrorism and other security threats in the country. The UNSC responded by partially lifting the embargo, allowing the Somali government to purchase weapons from other countries with the approval of a UN monitoring committee. 

However, this partial lifting of the embargo has not been sufficient to enable the Somali government to build a competent security force. The monitoring committee has been slow in processing requests for weapons, and the process has been cumbersome and bureaucratic.

In addition, the partial lifting of the embargo has not addressed the issue of illegal arms trafficking, which remains a significant challenge in Somalia. The Somali government has limited capacity to monitor and regulate the import and export of arms, and this has allowed armed groups to acquire weapons through illicit channels.

According to Dr. Mohamed Ahmed, “The current arms embargo has failed to prevent the flow of weapons to armed groups and warlords in Somalia. The lifting of the embargo would enable the Somali government to regulate the import and export of arms and prevent the misuse of weapons.”

In conclusion, the arms embargo on Somalia has had unintended consequences that have hindered the country’s progress towards stability and development. The Somali government needs to build a competent security force to combat terrorism, piracy, and other security threats in the country. The lifting of the embargo would enable the government to do so and protect its citizens. It would also enable Somalia to protect its territorial waters and natural resources, thus boosting the country’s economy and providing job opportunities for many Somalis.

Therefore, the UNSC needs to lift the arms embargo on Somalia, while also putting in place strict mechanisms for monitoring and regulating the import and export of arms to prevent the misuse of weapons. This would demonstrate the international community’s commitment to Somalia’s progress and development, and provide a pathway towards lasting peace and stability in the country.

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of Diblomaasi, its editorial board or staff.

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The Case for Reunification: Why Somaliland Needs to Rejoin Somalia?

If Somaliland fails to reunite with Somalia, other regions like Awdal might break away and form their own regional state and join the federal government. This could lead to further fragmentation of Somaliland, which would be detrimental to the region’s unity and stability.

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Somaliland, a self-declared independent state in the Horn of Africa, has been seeking international recognition since it declared independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991. However, it has yet to be recognized as a sovereign state by any country, despite its efforts to build a functioning government and a democratic society. While Somaliland has been relatively stable and peaceful compared to the rest of Somalia, there are several reasons why it needs to reunite with the rest of Somalia.

One of the main reasons why Somaliland needs to reunite with the rest of Somalia is to end the ongoing conflict in Laascaanood, which is fueled by unionist sentiments. If Somaliland reunifies with Somalia as a regional state, the regions of Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn, which are fighting for reunification with Somalia, might accept being part of the Somaliland administration. This would help resolve the conflict in Laascaanood and bring stability to the region.

If Somaliland fails to reunite with Somalia, other regions like Awdal might break away and form their own regional state and join the federal government. This could lead to further fragmentation of Somaliland, which would be detrimental to the region’s unity and stability. Moreover, If this happens, Somaliland will be left with only two regions, Waqooyi Galbeed and Togdheer, which would close any window of opportunity that existed for statehood.

In addition, the two remaining separatist regions of Somaliland, Waqooyi Galbeed and Togdheer, are trapped in internal political crises. The current system ignores certain clans, which has led to a sense of marginalization and exclusion. This has created a breeding ground for political unrest and conflict, which has hindered the region’s development and stability.

Reuniting with Somalia could also bring several benefits to Somaliland. First and foremost, it would give Somaliland access to international recognition and aid, which it desperately needs to develop its infrastructure and economy. Additionally, reintegrating with Somalia would provide Somaliland with access to a larger and more diverse political landscape, which would enable the region to build stronger institutions and promote democratic governance. It would also provide Somaliland with access to larger markets, resources, and investment opportunities, which would help to boost economic growth and development.

Furthermore, reunification could lead to greater political representation for Somaliland in the federal government and a more equitable distribution of resources. This could help address some of the grievances that led to Somaliland’s secession in the first place.

In conclusion, Somaliland needs to reunite with the rest of Somalia to end the ongoing conflict in Laascaanood and bring stability to the region. Failure to do so could lead to further fragmentation of Somaliland. The international community should support dialogue and negotiation between Somaliland and the federal government of Somalia to facilitate reunification and address any challenges that arise along the way.

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of Diblomaasi, its editorial board or staff.

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