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Disintegrated Somali Health Care System

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Health sector is one of the most essential life sustaining principles in human life and devoid of it human being wouldn’t exist. A healthy individual shape and delivers the outcome of a complete and a well-oriented society. As a result, better health is fundamental to human happiness and safety. It also makes an important contribution to economic progress, as healthy populations live longer, are more dynamic, and save more.

Numerous factors manipulate health status and country’s ability to provide valuable health services for its people. Ministries of health are significant actors, but so are other government sectors, donor associations, civil society groups and communities themselves.

As soon as the health is elementary need for all human species, beyond doubt the health sector in Somalia is still in a grave condition with one of the worst health indicators in the world. With a population of 12.3 million, 1.1 million people are internally displaced. Acute humanitarian needs increase to some extent; the number of people current in need of humanitarian backing has reached 5 million, which is more than 40% of the population.

The annual post-Gu assessment, which was released by the food and Agriculture Organization (FAO)-managed Food Security and Nutrition Unit (FSNAU) in September 2017. Somalia is among the least developed countries listed in the 2012 Human Development Index. The country suffers from prolonged internal conflicts, poverty, human right violations, high population growth, desertification, recurrent droughts and famines, weak economy, poor governance, haphazard settlements, environmental humiliation and broken health care system.

After the fall of the central government, Somalia has been the archetype of a failed state in the world for the past 20 years. The Somali states slowly went to wrack and ruin over a period of a decade and then collapsed in 1991. A malicious civil war and tyrant regime has overwhelmed the country since 1988 and the downfall of the political regulation has produced an indescribable tragedy by consuming nearly 700 000 lives and displacing over three million people. ‘‘United Nations, Humanitarian Situation in Somalia: Monthly Analysis, Nairobi, April 2007’’.

Somalia’s political blow has turned into the most terrible humanitarian crisis in the world; therefore these calamities have not only been limited to the despair of its people, and other than accompanied by the disintegration of public infrastructure and regulatory mechanism, such as recognized banking systems, telecommunications, provision of inputs, and access to international markets.

Political instability and poor governance has stifled the health care system, which suffering from scarce funding, misconduct, and overall poor planning and policy development ever since independence, and created an overwhelming of nation’s staggering health care system and its handling mechanism. To make a correlation about past Somalia health care coordination and current misguided health care system, let us glance back a little bit; about the several highlights in the history of health care services in Somalia.

In early 1966, a nursing school was established in Hargeisa and another one in Mogadishu in1970. Subsequently, in 1973, a faculty of medicine and Surgery was set up in Mogadishu. In the 1980s, the commencement of these social institutions has brought in massive external assistance which is from international organizations and foreign governments. It established primary health care training institutions and opened the door for medical specialty training in TB (tuberculosis) and lung diseases in late 1980s.

These training institutions boosted the human resources for health and literally expanded access to health care services and improved the quality of health care in Somalia at that time; particularly with regard to TB. However, the substantial resources injected into the health care system were not used properly and their contributions faded soon. Another landmark of advancement was the formation of a semi-autonomous refugee health unit in the Ministry of health to serve the refugees from Ethiopia in 1977, which attracted gigantic foreign aid and expatriate health professionals.

The refugee health unit initiated brilliant health care planning and efficient operations which optimistically influenced the overall ministry of health functions and operations. The RHU staff gained precious experience and knowledge concerning civic health concepts and practices. These formed proficient public health professionals and raised the alertness and practice of public health in Somalia. Also in 1980s, research in medical sciences was initiated by the faculty of medicine, in association with numerous universities in Sweden, through the National Academy of Science and Arts in Mogadishu. This was a new crack of dawn in exploration in medical sciences and the other entire fields in Somalia. This initiative and others mentioned priory mainly contributed to healthy manpower production and smooth improvement.

Despite the training institutions, there were several parameters of controlli+ng contagious disease in Somalia, which has been fulfilled by foreign aid agencies. For instance, infectious diseases was the most abundant disease in Somalia, as quoted by the ‘‘New England journal of medicine 328 (1993): ‘‘the threat of infectious diseases in Somalia’’ after a while, the smallpox eradication campaign and introduction of Primary health care and new tuberculosis (TB) treatment regimens by the Finnish International Development Agency (FINIDA) was in progress in the mid-1970s.

The perpendicular programs that had disease-definite objectives were funded almost entirely by international organizations and development agencies, like UNICEF, WHO, UNFPA, FINIDA, USAID, UNDP, EU, and the SIDA.

In addition to that, WHO and UNICEF contributed many procedural plans; it funded a couple of primary health care line up that was experimental, whereas some of the other agencies were involved in program development, accomplishment, and assessment. Also UNICEF was involved in the Expanded Program on Immunization operations, in collaboration with the WHO. Likewise, FINIDA funded the national TB control program for at least six regions in Somalia, but quite certain change on the disease burden has been observed at that time, owing to poor proper usage. So far, Somalia’s health care system status illustrates the bottom of the list among the developing countries. (CIA, Somalia—World Fact Book, 2005)

To be continued regarding the background of Somali health foundation and its international aid funding, there were multiple surveillances like, UNFPA (United Nations fund for population activities) ‘‘Somalia country paper’’ (2013) which was estimating the demographics and the social profile of Somalis, in order to plan the scheme of humanitarian services and operations; which was exceedingly vital for the sustainability of effective and accurate health care system.

Even though it was tough to find clear-cut reckon of the Somali population, nevertheless, at present, the population estimates quoted by these organizations range from seven to twelve million, with unsophisticated birth and death rates of 46 and 18 per 1,000 populations, respectively and an annual growth rate of 2.8% with a dependency ratio of 101%. The total fertility rate is 7.3 babies per woman of reproductive age, underlining the significance of obstetric services and the risk of maternal deaths. The life expectancy at birth is 46 years for males and 49 years for females.

High mortality rates in the early stages of life are responsible for this poor life expectancy at birth. The infant and under-5 mortality rate estimates in 2000 were 130 per 1,000 live births and 224 per 1,000 live births. Consequently, the long-drawn-out civil wars and disasters which have outraged the Somali population has aggravated these rates substantially and the overall crude mortality rates exceeded those recorded in neighboring Ethiopia and Sudan during the famine in 1984–85, seeing that in Centers for Disease Control ‘‘Population-Based Mortality Assessment’’ in Baidoa and Afgoye regions in South Somalia in 1992.

Beyond that, adequate resources, and the establishment of essential infrastructure is limited, concentrated in safe areas, chiefly in towns. There are currently 196 Mother Child Health (MCHs) clinics, 74 hospitals with 3,405 beds, 26 TB centers, 14 Out- patient departments (OPDs), and dispensaries, and 520 health posts, 13 mobile units, and 43 Malaria Microscopy centers. These hospitals locate only in urban centers and regional capitals. In rural district restricted services are available, and medical facilities are not accessible. Diagnostic facilities that are necessary to patient care are limited. In 2005, 114 clinical laboratories existed in the state.

From 2005 up to 2018, number of clinical laboratories, hospitals and diagnostic facilities has gotten worse, due to lack of investment and permanent maintenance. Statistics on X-ray machines are not available, but each hospital was equipped with at least one, moreover those in TB hospitals. Some machines at region hospitals are not functional at the moment.

Consequently, sum X-ray machines in the country must number less than 74, although a few of those that had been out of order may have been replaced. WHO (Draft), “Health Facilities Overview, Somalia” (2005) After the facilities, the disorders that were widespread early in the 1960s, after independence, have remained prevalent till today, health indicators advocated that there has been no improvement in the health of the population over the past three years.

Indeed, indicators show a slight increase in levels of infant and under-five mortality and pockets of chronic malnutrition persist in southern Somalia. Several studies showed that Maternal Mortality Rate (MMR) is exceptionally as high as 1600/100 000. A baseline KABP survey on Reproductive Health and Family Planning in Somaliland was carried out by WHO Somalia in October 1999. The main findings include:

Neonatal mortality rate (NMR), Infant mortality rate (IMR) and Child

Mortality rates (CMR), which are estimated to be 28,113 and 328 respectively

Fertility rate of around 7.9

18% of married underage (<18) girls

Female Gentile Mutilation Prevalence of 99%

But at this time the gifted hands of Dr. Edna Adam and her remarkable midwifery profession were due to the dramatic decrease of the Maternal Mortality Ratio. She initiated the construction of Edna Adam Hospital in Hargeisa, Somaliland to train midwives, though the midwifery profession was one among those professions that has suffered the biggest attrition in terms of number. Following that a momentary look about the list of the major health problems which are prevalent in Somalia:

Sexually transmitted diseases including HIV/AIDS: The HIV/AIDS epidemic is a critical tackling in health care and development in Sub-Saharan Africa, where two-thirds of the world’s HIV/AIDS victims live (although they represent only 10% of the world’s population).

The HIV/AIDS prevalence in Somalia is around 1%. The prevalence of other sexually transmitted disease was as high as 30%. (Gillian Duffy, 199) However there are factors that could propel the epidemic of the disease which mainly are; first, the cost of medical and social services for people living with HIV/AIDS is beyond the budget of the ministries of health in the majority of Sub- Saharan Africa; Secondly, lack of knowledge and public awareness and devoid of using condemns for protected sex has exacerbated the disease. HIV infected individuals inside Somalis usually faces intimidating Islamic Wahhabism and offensive cultural radicalism which may cause them phobia, irrational fear and drug discontinuation. Immunization coverage against the six childhood illnesses is very low: For instance, repeated outbreaks of measles in almost all the regions of the country is a good indicator of low immunization coverage, and the circumstances is more severe in the nomadic and rural areas.

Water shortage is a common phenomenon in Somaliland, by the fact that the maximum annual rainfall ever recorded was 836mm in 1986 and the lowest was 156mm in 1965 (Hargeisa water agency, 1996). Availability of water in the urban settlements is also very low. It is estimated that the capital city of Hargeisa gets ¼ of its daily water requirements (ibid, 1996). In this situation of scarce safe and clean water, it is no doubt that diarrheal diseases ranked number One among the endemic and epidemic communicable diseases, including Cholera and diarrhea. Lack of child spacing: No family planning and low percentage of breast feeding. Early marriage is another factor which also causes adverse effects on young mothers and their new-born, especially during delivery. Female Genital Mutilation is further common crisis in the country which often results subsequent complications for young girls. The most prevalent diseases that are responsible both the high morbidity and mortality rates are: Diarrheal diseases: Survey conducted in Somaliland in the 2000, 17% of children have had diarrhea two weeks prior to the survey. Under developed countries, children’s diarrheal diseases remain one of the leading lethal diseases.

Tuberculosis

Cholera

Measles

Malaria

Acute respiratory tract infections (ARI): g.: Pneumonia Subsequently, mental health problems increase as well. Oral health care also faces the same problem. Although mental and oral health professional Doctors are scarce, indeed both mental and oral health is neglected and at present the need is enormous and critical. Beyond doubt, unsatisfactory outcomes of treatable diseases, such as tuberculosis, malaria, typhus, and dysentery, were mainly accredited to the poor quality of imported drugs, and lack of a strong regulatory body on drug importation and utilization. The currently flourishing drugstores across the country are full of expired drugs which could seriously aggravate an already dreadful health situation.

However, despite the failure of the Somali central government and the stability degradation, further there are steady and stable areas with public administrations that fulfill some basic functions of governments. For instance, Somaliland which is the northwestern part has declared its independence as the ‘‘Republic of Somaliland’’ it has broken away from the rest of Somalia since 1991 and have absolute positive development but lacks functioning civic infrastructure and the deficiency of entire nation’s strategies, which were never based on precise facts and figures, even though failed to offer apparent guidance to the frontline decision-makers about the overall health care mission and the motivating principles of health care service delivery. Somaliland constitutes of six main cities, chiefly the capital city of the Hargeisa, Borama, Erigavo, Burao, and Lasanod, these regions which is where I was born and grown up as a mature have a very high security profile as well achieved outstanding governmental system framework.

In neither spite of the effective nor the ineffectual governmental system in Somaliland for about the last two decades, still Somaliland undergoes overall fallible and fragile civic infrastructures. Specifically the health sector suffers mostly due to various flaws particularly due to inadequate funds for health service operations; Poor health development planning; Poor quality of available health care services and deprivation of advanced health care facilities.

A clear sign which can illustrate the poor health care services in Somaliland is the severe scarcity of suitable diagnostic equipments and imperfect misuse of the investigative tools by a few unprofessional health care staffs. A clear indication can be the country’s chief city Hospital Group, Hargeisa, this hospital which is the largest and the oldest hospital across Somaliland. There are various serious calamities which has ruined the overall health care service in Hargeisa. Devoid of diagnostic tools, dreadful health care service, limitation of manpower, medical supplies, drugs and funds are the misfortunes included.

The health care service status in Hargeisa has no progress at all for the last 25years. Somaliland health care service status shows overwhelming circumstance. For instance, a significant portion of diagnostic equipments are absent from the main hospital. Current 2018 Hargeisa Hospital diagnostic facilities are insufficient. There is One Chest X-ray, One Ultra-sound, One CT scan with foreign Syrian radiologist, and One Anaesthelogist. Besides unfortunately there is no MRI (Magnetic Resonance Image) through the entire hospital.

It’s an embarrassment that the major hospital in the city have this kind of shortage of facilities. In addition, the late civil wars, droughts, and the misguided national health policy wiped out the gains in health man-power production and development.

Though lots of expatriate health professionals whom am included graduates each year from the neighboring great Ethiopia and rest of the world which had literally raised the awareness and the quality of health care services. Nevertheless there is no accomplishment of national health development plans and strategic policy to ensure efficiency in the delivery of health care services and to make the system operational and sustainable.

Written by: Abdirahman A. Adam Dhere Academic researcher, Author and HOA analyst.

Disintegrated Somali health care system: From hapless to hopeless.

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Waa qoraa ka tirsan Somalism. Waa dhakhtar, aqoonyahan, qoraa iyo cilmi baadhe lafo gura kuna talax tegay wax ka qorista caafimaadka, dabciga iyo dabeecadda aadamiga. Waxa uu taxliiliyaa oo naqdiyaa aragtiyaha kala duwan ee Sayniska kusoo arooray, iyo sidoo kale mabaa'diida diimaha iyo dunyawiga, iyo weliba mawduucyo faro badan oo kala jaad ah. Ku sugan Geeska Afrika waxna ku soo bartay dalka Itoobbiya, gaar ahaan magaalada Addis Ababa. Waxa uu shahaaddada dhakhtarnimada kusoo qaatay cilmiga caafimaadka iyo qalliinka afka. Sidoo kale waxa uu shahaaddada koowaad ee maamulka iyo maareynta ilaha bini'aadamka (Human resource management) ku soo qaatay isla waddanka Itoobbiya. Qoraaladiisu waxa ay kasoo muuqdeen degelleda gudaha iyo dibeddaba, sida Horndiplomat.

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Somalia’s 1p1v Elections: Why a Year and a Half Timeline in Unrealistic

While the agreement between the Somali Federal Government and its member states to conduct 1p1v elections across the country within a year and a half is a significant step forward, the timeline remains highly unrealistic.

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In a historic development for Somalia, the country’s Federal Government and member states reached an agreement at the National Consultation Council late this May to hold one person, one vote (1p1v) elections across the entire country within a year and a half. The move comes as a significant step towards democratizing the country’s political system, which has faced years of chaos and instability.

While the agreement may be seen as a significant achievement, analysts believe that the timeline for conducting 1p1v elections is highly unrealistic considering the long and complex process involved in conducting credible, transparent, and peaceful elections. Some of the main issues include the issuance of identification cards to citizens, voter registration, and awareness-raising campaigns.

The process of issuing identification cards to citizens is a significant challenge, given the vast, decentralized nature of Somalia’s population. The country has been rocked by years of political unrest and civil war, which has resulted in the displacement of millions of Somalis. In addition, the country has been plagued by terrorism from the Al-Shabaab group, which has actively targeted the government and its attempts to restore stability. The sheer logistical challenges of coordinating an ID issuance to millions of citizens across the country seem daunting.

In addition to ID issuance, there are also serious challenges in conducting voter registration campaigns required for any credible election process. Voter registration is a vital process that ensures that every eligible citizen is registered to cast their vote. However, it takes considerable time, effort, and resources to register voters in a country like Somalia, which has millions of displaced people living in makeshift settlements.

Furthermore, there is a need for significant awareness-raising campaigns to educate citizens on the importance of registering to vote. Many Somalis may not be aware of the electoral process or the significance of their vote. This requires a significant investment of resources and time, which will prove challenging in the current political climate of Somalia.

There are also infrastructure challenges to conducting successful elections in Somalia. In addition to ballot boxes, voting machines and counting technology, establishing polling stations across the country is no easy feat. Somalia has vast regions of hard-to-reach areas that have limited infrastructure, including a lack of roads, communication networks, and other essential services. This is particularly crucial for any credible election process, as polling stations must be adequately secured and equipped with adequate resources to ensure a smooth and successful electoral process.

Another crucial issue that must be addressed is the security situation. In the past, elections held in Somalia have been marred by violence and intimidation, particularly by extremist groups such as Al-Shabaab. To ensure the credibility of the election process, the security situation must be addressed effectively. This will require a significant investment of resources and collaboration between the Somali government and its partners, including the African Union and the United Nations.

In conclusion, while the agreement between the Somali Federal Government and its member states to conduct 1p1v elections across the country within a year and a half is a significant step forward, the timeline remains highly unrealistic. The complex challenges involved in issuing identification cards, conducting voter registration, raising awareness about the importance of voting, providing infrastructure, and ensuring security cannot be accomplished in such a short period. Any credible, transparent, and peaceful electoral process requires time and investment in building the necessary infrastructure and conducting proper stakeholder engagement. The Somali government and its partners must recognize the gravity of the situation and work towards developing a more realistic timeline for holding 1p1v elections in the country.

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Somali People Unite: A Call to Action for Civil Disobedience

Power abuse is a third challenge that the Somali people face. A notable example of this is the use of force and repression by government officials, including the police and military, against ordinary citizens or opposition groups.

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In recent years, Somali people have seen an erosion of their political rights and fundamental freedoms. The Somali government, with the support of international donors and partners, has implemented policies that directly contravene the will of the Somali people. These policies include indirect elections, lack of representation, power abuse, and human rights and civil liberties violations. In the face of these challenges, the Somali people must now consider the implementation of civil disobedience as a means of gaining back control and protecting their democratic rights.

Indirect elections are one of the major issues that have contributed to the erosion of the Somali people’s political rights. Since the founding of FGS, the Somali government has used an electoral system that favors clan-based power-sharing, often over the will of citizens. This system has allowed clan elders and other powerful individuals to control the process and has limited the voice and representation of ordinary Somalis. The much-anticipated 2021 parliamentary elections were pushed back for a period of two years, leaving indirectly elected officials in power with unconstitutional, extended terms.

Lack of representation is another significant issue for the Somali people. Under the current political system, many tribal minorities lack fair representation in government. This lack of representation has contributed to political marginalization and alienation, particularly for more vulnerable groups like women and youth. As a result, policies are often made without consulting affected communities or taking into account their needs or interests.

Power abuse is a third challenge that the Somali people face. A notable example of this is the use of force and repression by government officials, including the police and military, against ordinary citizens or opposition groups. These tactics are often used to silence any voices that criticize the government or question its policies, and they undermine the democratic process.

Finally, human rights and civil liberties violations are commonplace in Somalia. The human rights situation has been particularly grim over the past decade, with frequent reports of extrajudicial killings, torture, and arbitrary detention by government security forces. Freedom of expression is particularly problematic and is often met with heavy-handed responses from security forces. Journalists and activists have been targeted relentlessly, and censorship of mainstream and social media has become commonplace.

Given these challenges, it is essential that the Somali people seek to implement civil disobedience as a means of redressing the balance. Civil disobedience has a long and proud history in political struggles around the world, and Somalia is no exception. Through peaceful protests, non-cooperation with unjust laws or policies, and other forms of resistance, the Somali people can seek to secure their democratic rights.

Through civil disobedience, the Somali people can communicate a clear message to government officials and the international community, that their policies are contrary to the will of the Somali people. Somali civil society and progressive elites play a crucial role in mobilizing people and ensuring that protests and other direct actions are organized in a peaceful manner.

For civil disobedience to succeed, there is a need for a strong, vibrant and diverse civic society, effective communication and coordination among activists and civil society organizations, and a clear understanding of the goals and objectives of the movement. Dialogue is an effective tool for resolving conflict, and the government needs to show its willingness to talk their citizens.

In conclusion, the Somali people have been faced with policies and laws that are implemented against their will, including indirect elections, lack of representation, power abuse, and human rights and civil liberties violations. Civil disobedience is a powerful tool that the Somali people can use to express their opposition to these policies, demand a participatory and democratic political system that truly represents their interests, and hold accountable those responsible for violating their rights. Through peaceful and coordinated action, Somali civilians can secure a brighter and democratic future that will benefit all.

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of Diblomaasi, its editorial board or staff.

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Political Elite Benefit While Youth Needs Ignored, Says Qaransoor Party

In a press release issued earlier today, the party criticized the move, arguing that it would only serve to benefit the political elite while ignoring the needs of the country’s young people amid the already fragile economy.

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The Qaransoor Party, a political opposition party in Somalia, has raised concerns about the recent appointment of several special envoys by President Hassan Sheikh who has been elected 4.5 formula last year may 2022. The 4.5 formula is the division of the Somali population into five groups along clan lines, where four of the five groups are the “major clans” whereas the fifth group includes all other clans and peoples not covered by the first four groups.

Unfortunately, 4.5 is unfair system, Somalia’s vast population have been denied to exercise their inalienable right of fair representation, a political right which is clearly stipulated in the country’s provisional constitution. Moreover, Somalis are 100 percent Muslims and the Islamic religion is both based on and promotes egalitarian principles more than any other faith.

In a press release issued earlier today, the party criticized the move, arguing that it would only serve to benefit the political elite while ignoring the needs of the country’s young people amid the already fragile economy.

“By appointing more special envoys, the President is creating additional opportunities for those in the upper echelons of society and politics,” the statement read. “While ignoring the pressing need to create employment opportunities for young people at the lower end of the socioeconomic ladder. This is unacceptable, particularly given the high levels of unemployment and poverty in Somalia.”

The Qaransoor Party’s concerns come at a time when Somalia is grappling with rising unemployment rates and a sluggish economy. With a youth unemployment rate of over 60%, many young people in the country are struggling to find work and make ends meet.

The party argued that the government’s focus should be on creating more jobs and economic opportunities for young people, rather than appointing more special envoys. “We urge the government to prioritize the needs of the country’s young people and work towards creating a more equitable and inclusive society,” the statement read.

The appointment of special envoys is not uncommon in Somalia’s political landscape, with many seeing it as a way for the government to reward political allies and supporters. However, the Qaransoor Party’s statement suggests that this practice may be exacerbating existing inequalities and leaving young people behind.

It remains to be seen how the government will respond to the Qaransoor Party’s concerns, but the opposition group’s statement is likely to spark further debate and discussion about the priorities of Somalia’s leaders and the needs of its people.

 

Read the full press release here: {Qaransoor.so/————)

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Somalia’s Call to Lift the Arms Embargo: Why the International Community Should Listen?

The current arms embargo has also hindered Somalia’s ability to protect its territorial waters and natural resources. Somalia has a long coastline, and its waters are rich in fish and other natural resources. However, illegal fishing and piracy have been rampant due to the lack of capacity to patrol and protect the waters.

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The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) imposed an arms embargo on Somalia in 1992, in response to the civil war and political instability that had plunged the country into chaos. The embargo was intended to prevent the flow of weapons to armed groups and warlords, thereby promoting peace and security in the country. However, over the years, the embargo has had unintended consequences that have hindered Somalia’s progress towards stability and development. Therefore, there is growing consensus among Somali leaders and international observers that the embargo needs to be lifted.

One of the main reasons why the arms embargo needs to be lifted is that it has severely limited the Somali government’s ability to build a capable security force that can effectively combat terrorism and other security threats in the country. Somalia remains one of the most insecure countries in the world, with several armed groups, including Al-Shabaab, operating in many parts of the country. Al-Shabaab is a terrorist group that has been responsible for several deadly attacks in Somalia and neighboring countries.

According to Dr. Abdiweli Ali, a Somali scholar and former prime minister of Somalia, “The arms embargo has made it difficult for the Somali government to build a capable security force, and this has left the country vulnerable to terrorism and other security threats.”

The current arms embargo has also hindered Somalia’s ability to protect its territorial waters and natural resources. Somalia has a long coastline, and its waters are rich in fish and other natural resources. However, illegal fishing and piracy have been rampant due to the lack of capacity to patrol and protect the waters.

Dr. Mohamed Ahmed, a Somali scholar and political analyst, states that “The lifting of the arms embargo would enable Somalia to build a well-equipped and trained navy that can effectively patrol its waters and protect its natural resources. This would boost the country’s economy and provide job opportunities for many Somalis.”

Furthermore, the arms embargo has also undermined the Somali government’s sovereignty and the ability to protect its citizens. The Somali government has the primary responsibility to protect its citizens and maintain law and order in the country. However, the current arms embargo has limited the government’s ability to do so, leaving many Somalis vulnerable to violence and insecurity.

According to Dr. Abdiweli Ali, “The Somali government needs to build a competent security force to combat terrorism, piracy, and other security threats in the country. The lifting of the arms embargo would enable the government to do so and protect its citizens.”

Several key events have also demonstrated the need to lift the arms embargo. In 2017, the Somali government requested the UNSC to lift the arms embargo, citing the urgent need to build a capable security force to combat terrorism and other security threats in the country. The UNSC responded by partially lifting the embargo, allowing the Somali government to purchase weapons from other countries with the approval of a UN monitoring committee. 

However, this partial lifting of the embargo has not been sufficient to enable the Somali government to build a competent security force. The monitoring committee has been slow in processing requests for weapons, and the process has been cumbersome and bureaucratic.

In addition, the partial lifting of the embargo has not addressed the issue of illegal arms trafficking, which remains a significant challenge in Somalia. The Somali government has limited capacity to monitor and regulate the import and export of arms, and this has allowed armed groups to acquire weapons through illicit channels.

According to Dr. Mohamed Ahmed, “The current arms embargo has failed to prevent the flow of weapons to armed groups and warlords in Somalia. The lifting of the embargo would enable the Somali government to regulate the import and export of arms and prevent the misuse of weapons.”

In conclusion, the arms embargo on Somalia has had unintended consequences that have hindered the country’s progress towards stability and development. The Somali government needs to build a competent security force to combat terrorism, piracy, and other security threats in the country. The lifting of the embargo would enable the government to do so and protect its citizens. It would also enable Somalia to protect its territorial waters and natural resources, thus boosting the country’s economy and providing job opportunities for many Somalis.

Therefore, the UNSC needs to lift the arms embargo on Somalia, while also putting in place strict mechanisms for monitoring and regulating the import and export of arms to prevent the misuse of weapons. This would demonstrate the international community’s commitment to Somalia’s progress and development, and provide a pathway towards lasting peace and stability in the country.

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of Diblomaasi, its editorial board or staff.

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The Case for Reunification: Why Somaliland Needs to Rejoin Somalia?

If Somaliland fails to reunite with Somalia, other regions like Awdal might break away and form their own regional state and join the federal government. This could lead to further fragmentation of Somaliland, which would be detrimental to the region’s unity and stability.

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Somaliland, a self-declared independent state in the Horn of Africa, has been seeking international recognition since it declared independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991. However, it has yet to be recognized as a sovereign state by any country, despite its efforts to build a functioning government and a democratic society. While Somaliland has been relatively stable and peaceful compared to the rest of Somalia, there are several reasons why it needs to reunite with the rest of Somalia.

One of the main reasons why Somaliland needs to reunite with the rest of Somalia is to end the ongoing conflict in Laascaanood, which is fueled by unionist sentiments. If Somaliland reunifies with Somalia as a regional state, the regions of Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn, which are fighting for reunification with Somalia, might accept being part of the Somaliland administration. This would help resolve the conflict in Laascaanood and bring stability to the region.

If Somaliland fails to reunite with Somalia, other regions like Awdal might break away and form their own regional state and join the federal government. This could lead to further fragmentation of Somaliland, which would be detrimental to the region’s unity and stability. Moreover, If this happens, Somaliland will be left with only two regions, Waqooyi Galbeed and Togdheer, which would close any window of opportunity that existed for statehood.

In addition, the two remaining separatist regions of Somaliland, Waqooyi Galbeed and Togdheer, are trapped in internal political crises. The current system ignores certain clans, which has led to a sense of marginalization and exclusion. This has created a breeding ground for political unrest and conflict, which has hindered the region’s development and stability.

Reuniting with Somalia could also bring several benefits to Somaliland. First and foremost, it would give Somaliland access to international recognition and aid, which it desperately needs to develop its infrastructure and economy. Additionally, reintegrating with Somalia would provide Somaliland with access to a larger and more diverse political landscape, which would enable the region to build stronger institutions and promote democratic governance. It would also provide Somaliland with access to larger markets, resources, and investment opportunities, which would help to boost economic growth and development.

Furthermore, reunification could lead to greater political representation for Somaliland in the federal government and a more equitable distribution of resources. This could help address some of the grievances that led to Somaliland’s secession in the first place.

In conclusion, Somaliland needs to reunite with the rest of Somalia to end the ongoing conflict in Laascaanood and bring stability to the region. Failure to do so could lead to further fragmentation of Somaliland. The international community should support dialogue and negotiation between Somaliland and the federal government of Somalia to facilitate reunification and address any challenges that arise along the way.

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of Diblomaasi, its editorial board or staff.

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