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How Somali Music Was Ignited?

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Cabdilaahi Maxamed Maxamuud known as Cabdilaahi Qarshe was in born the outskirts of Moshi, Tanganyika (letter on Tanzania) in 1924. He had four brothers and one sister. His father was a trader and a Businessman in East Africa. He was regarded as frugal and fortune businessman. Originally he migrated from Sanaag region, Somalia. In that time men used to travel to East Africa for work and better lives.

Qarshe was a nickname of Abdallah’s father. Mohamed’s family hailed from Maydh district, they were respected as shrine keepers of sheikh Ishaaq. They were involved the fish industry, exportation of livestock and hides to Gulf of Aden. Cabdilaah’s father was died 1931. And his mother refused to be married to her brother in law who lived with them. Abdilahi said in an interview, “my father died in 1931 and my mother refused to marry my father’s brother, who lived in Tanzania with us, so she sold all the family’s property so that we could move back to Somaliland.”

They stayed in Aden for a while then they moved to Maydh by boat and from there to Cerigabo by road. After two years they returned Aden. Cabdilahi’s first engagement was to learn the Koran. He used to go to Madrasa (Koran teaching school) in Aden. In Tanzania he had been home schooled. For while as he mentions in an interview he lost interest in the Koran. He was attracted to British schools. His Mather the late Dahabo Hersi married his uncle in Aden. The late Cabdulaahi Qarshe went to British Schools and later on he completely become bored with learning. He got involved in watching Indian films and music. He had an interest for music.

The first song he composed was ka kacaay ” wake up” as result of the transferring of District Commissioner (NFD) Mr. Reeca also known as Kamakama in Somali to Somaliland, Hargeisa. They were told that Mr. Reeca had been an oppressive colonial character.

During world war two, the British Authority established a radio station. The three foreign languages that broadcasted were Somali, Arabic and Hindi. Each had half an hour airtime. Arabic and Hindi music programmes were included but Somali music programmes were not included. Instead of Music, Somali classical poetry was used and took the remainder of the time.

This event was the one that triggered, pushed and empowered Abdallahi to ignite Somali unique music. He said “When Arabs visited Somali cafes they would ask them, “don’t you have your own music?””. He realised that Arabic music incorporated some of the Indian melody, he thought that he could do the same.

One day he saw a man in the market buying a lute and he wanted to buy one too. When he got enough money to buy, he went to seller and bought it. After acquiring the lute Abdallahi was faced with another challenge; where will he can put the lute? He said that his family was very religious so he could not carry his lute home. He got an idea, he put the lute in his friend’s box in their home so if his family discovered the lute he could claim the lute was not his.

When Cabdilaahi left, his friend collected the box then he gave the lute to him in Aden airport. When he arrived in Hargeisa he stayed with his family friend Mahamed Arale. As he mentioned. Somali genre balwo (Songs) has been progressing and making impact to the urban population. The first Somali song sang by Cabdi Sininmo was in 1940.

He was driving a lorry from Saila to Borama, the car punctured between two towns, near Banka Giriyad. Cabdi and his assistants pushed the car under a big tree and when it was being reapaired Cabdi remembered his love Khadijah. He composed the first Somali song in modern form which had melody. Balwo is the name of the type of song.

Abdilahali said “there were only a few musicians and they were either Arabs or Indians inspired by the new Somali genre of the belwo. There were two main characters: Ina Beenaale, an Indian, and Abdo Yusuf, a Yemeni. They played basic instruments, the most important being the violin. They invited me to join them, so I did, but I was not yet really proficient in playing.” They were using poetry lyrics to make soft melody. Abdilahi wanted to make money so he used his skills, he applied for a clerical vacancy position for the British colonial administration. He was transferred to Burao. Fortunately he got a teacher who could help him with the basics of playing the lute. He said that he agreed with Mr. Bakri to teach him to play the lute and he would give him a Kat in exchange for the lessons. Abdulahi become the first Somali musician and composer. He had a talent in composing songs, in making melody, playing the lute and writing plays. 

The first song he composed was ka kacaay ” wake up” as result of the transferring of District Commissioner (NFD) Mr. Reeca also known as Kamakama in Somali to Somaliland, Hargeisa. They were told that Mr. Reeca had been an oppressive colonial character. 

The late Qarshe participated in nationalism mobilisation. He improved Somali art. He composed the first song in Somali BBC 1957. The first play he perfumed was Cabara iyo Ceebla and Isa Seeg. It was easy for him to compose a melody. Most of Somali Qaaraami songs were created by him. After independence he moved to Mogadishu. He was there until the Somali civil war. Then he went to Djibouti. Later he moved to London. The Late Abdulaahi Qarshe, the father of Somali music, the composer, the play writer, and the Somali nationalist died in 1997 in London and was buried in Hargeisa. May he rest in peace.

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Waa qoraa ka tirsan Diblomaasi. Wuxuu wax ka qoraa cilmiga Bulshada, nabadda iyo amniga, siyaasadda, sooyaalka, arrimaha bulshada, xallinta khilaafaadka, dhaqanka, Afka iyo aqoonta guud ahaaneed. Wuxuu bartay cilmiga Bulshada, nabadda iyo amniga. Heerka koowaad wuxuu bartay cilmiga bulshada (Sociology), heerka labaad ee jaamacada (Master degree) wuxuu bartay Nabadda iyo Amniga ‘Peace and Security. Siddoo kale qoraaga ayaa soo bartay cilmiga sheybaarka. Qoraagu wuxuu bare sarre ka ahaa jaamacada Bariga Afrika.

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Somalia’s 1p1v Elections: Why a Year and a Half Timeline in Unrealistic

While the agreement between the Somali Federal Government and its member states to conduct 1p1v elections across the country within a year and a half is a significant step forward, the timeline remains highly unrealistic.

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In a historic development for Somalia, the country’s Federal Government and member states reached an agreement at the National Consultation Council late this May to hold one person, one vote (1p1v) elections across the entire country within a year and a half. The move comes as a significant step towards democratizing the country’s political system, which has faced years of chaos and instability.

While the agreement may be seen as a significant achievement, analysts believe that the timeline for conducting 1p1v elections is highly unrealistic considering the long and complex process involved in conducting credible, transparent, and peaceful elections. Some of the main issues include the issuance of identification cards to citizens, voter registration, and awareness-raising campaigns.

The process of issuing identification cards to citizens is a significant challenge, given the vast, decentralized nature of Somalia’s population. The country has been rocked by years of political unrest and civil war, which has resulted in the displacement of millions of Somalis. In addition, the country has been plagued by terrorism from the Al-Shabaab group, which has actively targeted the government and its attempts to restore stability. The sheer logistical challenges of coordinating an ID issuance to millions of citizens across the country seem daunting.

In addition to ID issuance, there are also serious challenges in conducting voter registration campaigns required for any credible election process. Voter registration is a vital process that ensures that every eligible citizen is registered to cast their vote. However, it takes considerable time, effort, and resources to register voters in a country like Somalia, which has millions of displaced people living in makeshift settlements.

Furthermore, there is a need for significant awareness-raising campaigns to educate citizens on the importance of registering to vote. Many Somalis may not be aware of the electoral process or the significance of their vote. This requires a significant investment of resources and time, which will prove challenging in the current political climate of Somalia.

There are also infrastructure challenges to conducting successful elections in Somalia. In addition to ballot boxes, voting machines and counting technology, establishing polling stations across the country is no easy feat. Somalia has vast regions of hard-to-reach areas that have limited infrastructure, including a lack of roads, communication networks, and other essential services. This is particularly crucial for any credible election process, as polling stations must be adequately secured and equipped with adequate resources to ensure a smooth and successful electoral process.

Another crucial issue that must be addressed is the security situation. In the past, elections held in Somalia have been marred by violence and intimidation, particularly by extremist groups such as Al-Shabaab. To ensure the credibility of the election process, the security situation must be addressed effectively. This will require a significant investment of resources and collaboration between the Somali government and its partners, including the African Union and the United Nations.

In conclusion, while the agreement between the Somali Federal Government and its member states to conduct 1p1v elections across the country within a year and a half is a significant step forward, the timeline remains highly unrealistic. The complex challenges involved in issuing identification cards, conducting voter registration, raising awareness about the importance of voting, providing infrastructure, and ensuring security cannot be accomplished in such a short period. Any credible, transparent, and peaceful electoral process requires time and investment in building the necessary infrastructure and conducting proper stakeholder engagement. The Somali government and its partners must recognize the gravity of the situation and work towards developing a more realistic timeline for holding 1p1v elections in the country.

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Somali People Unite: A Call to Action for Civil Disobedience

Power abuse is a third challenge that the Somali people face. A notable example of this is the use of force and repression by government officials, including the police and military, against ordinary citizens or opposition groups.

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In recent years, Somali people have seen an erosion of their political rights and fundamental freedoms. The Somali government, with the support of international donors and partners, has implemented policies that directly contravene the will of the Somali people. These policies include indirect elections, lack of representation, power abuse, and human rights and civil liberties violations. In the face of these challenges, the Somali people must now consider the implementation of civil disobedience as a means of gaining back control and protecting their democratic rights.

Indirect elections are one of the major issues that have contributed to the erosion of the Somali people’s political rights. Since the founding of FGS, the Somali government has used an electoral system that favors clan-based power-sharing, often over the will of citizens. This system has allowed clan elders and other powerful individuals to control the process and has limited the voice and representation of ordinary Somalis. The much-anticipated 2021 parliamentary elections were pushed back for a period of two years, leaving indirectly elected officials in power with unconstitutional, extended terms.

Lack of representation is another significant issue for the Somali people. Under the current political system, many tribal minorities lack fair representation in government. This lack of representation has contributed to political marginalization and alienation, particularly for more vulnerable groups like women and youth. As a result, policies are often made without consulting affected communities or taking into account their needs or interests.

Power abuse is a third challenge that the Somali people face. A notable example of this is the use of force and repression by government officials, including the police and military, against ordinary citizens or opposition groups. These tactics are often used to silence any voices that criticize the government or question its policies, and they undermine the democratic process.

Finally, human rights and civil liberties violations are commonplace in Somalia. The human rights situation has been particularly grim over the past decade, with frequent reports of extrajudicial killings, torture, and arbitrary detention by government security forces. Freedom of expression is particularly problematic and is often met with heavy-handed responses from security forces. Journalists and activists have been targeted relentlessly, and censorship of mainstream and social media has become commonplace.

Given these challenges, it is essential that the Somali people seek to implement civil disobedience as a means of redressing the balance. Civil disobedience has a long and proud history in political struggles around the world, and Somalia is no exception. Through peaceful protests, non-cooperation with unjust laws or policies, and other forms of resistance, the Somali people can seek to secure their democratic rights.

Through civil disobedience, the Somali people can communicate a clear message to government officials and the international community, that their policies are contrary to the will of the Somali people. Somali civil society and progressive elites play a crucial role in mobilizing people and ensuring that protests and other direct actions are organized in a peaceful manner.

For civil disobedience to succeed, there is a need for a strong, vibrant and diverse civic society, effective communication and coordination among activists and civil society organizations, and a clear understanding of the goals and objectives of the movement. Dialogue is an effective tool for resolving conflict, and the government needs to show its willingness to talk their citizens.

In conclusion, the Somali people have been faced with policies and laws that are implemented against their will, including indirect elections, lack of representation, power abuse, and human rights and civil liberties violations. Civil disobedience is a powerful tool that the Somali people can use to express their opposition to these policies, demand a participatory and democratic political system that truly represents their interests, and hold accountable those responsible for violating their rights. Through peaceful and coordinated action, Somali civilians can secure a brighter and democratic future that will benefit all.

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of Diblomaasi, its editorial board or staff.

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Political Elite Benefit While Youth Needs Ignored, Says Qaransoor Party

In a press release issued earlier today, the party criticized the move, arguing that it would only serve to benefit the political elite while ignoring the needs of the country’s young people amid the already fragile economy.

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The Qaransoor Party, a political opposition party in Somalia, has raised concerns about the recent appointment of several special envoys by President Hassan Sheikh who has been elected 4.5 formula last year may 2022. The 4.5 formula is the division of the Somali population into five groups along clan lines, where four of the five groups are the “major clans” whereas the fifth group includes all other clans and peoples not covered by the first four groups.

Unfortunately, 4.5 is unfair system, Somalia’s vast population have been denied to exercise their inalienable right of fair representation, a political right which is clearly stipulated in the country’s provisional constitution. Moreover, Somalis are 100 percent Muslims and the Islamic religion is both based on and promotes egalitarian principles more than any other faith.

In a press release issued earlier today, the party criticized the move, arguing that it would only serve to benefit the political elite while ignoring the needs of the country’s young people amid the already fragile economy.

“By appointing more special envoys, the President is creating additional opportunities for those in the upper echelons of society and politics,” the statement read. “While ignoring the pressing need to create employment opportunities for young people at the lower end of the socioeconomic ladder. This is unacceptable, particularly given the high levels of unemployment and poverty in Somalia.”

The Qaransoor Party’s concerns come at a time when Somalia is grappling with rising unemployment rates and a sluggish economy. With a youth unemployment rate of over 60%, many young people in the country are struggling to find work and make ends meet.

The party argued that the government’s focus should be on creating more jobs and economic opportunities for young people, rather than appointing more special envoys. “We urge the government to prioritize the needs of the country’s young people and work towards creating a more equitable and inclusive society,” the statement read.

The appointment of special envoys is not uncommon in Somalia’s political landscape, with many seeing it as a way for the government to reward political allies and supporters. However, the Qaransoor Party’s statement suggests that this practice may be exacerbating existing inequalities and leaving young people behind.

It remains to be seen how the government will respond to the Qaransoor Party’s concerns, but the opposition group’s statement is likely to spark further debate and discussion about the priorities of Somalia’s leaders and the needs of its people.

 

Read the full press release here: {Qaransoor.so/————)

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Somalia’s Call to Lift the Arms Embargo: Why the International Community Should Listen?

The current arms embargo has also hindered Somalia’s ability to protect its territorial waters and natural resources. Somalia has a long coastline, and its waters are rich in fish and other natural resources. However, illegal fishing and piracy have been rampant due to the lack of capacity to patrol and protect the waters.

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The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) imposed an arms embargo on Somalia in 1992, in response to the civil war and political instability that had plunged the country into chaos. The embargo was intended to prevent the flow of weapons to armed groups and warlords, thereby promoting peace and security in the country. However, over the years, the embargo has had unintended consequences that have hindered Somalia’s progress towards stability and development. Therefore, there is growing consensus among Somali leaders and international observers that the embargo needs to be lifted.

One of the main reasons why the arms embargo needs to be lifted is that it has severely limited the Somali government’s ability to build a capable security force that can effectively combat terrorism and other security threats in the country. Somalia remains one of the most insecure countries in the world, with several armed groups, including Al-Shabaab, operating in many parts of the country. Al-Shabaab is a terrorist group that has been responsible for several deadly attacks in Somalia and neighboring countries.

According to Dr. Abdiweli Ali, a Somali scholar and former prime minister of Somalia, “The arms embargo has made it difficult for the Somali government to build a capable security force, and this has left the country vulnerable to terrorism and other security threats.”

The current arms embargo has also hindered Somalia’s ability to protect its territorial waters and natural resources. Somalia has a long coastline, and its waters are rich in fish and other natural resources. However, illegal fishing and piracy have been rampant due to the lack of capacity to patrol and protect the waters.

Dr. Mohamed Ahmed, a Somali scholar and political analyst, states that “The lifting of the arms embargo would enable Somalia to build a well-equipped and trained navy that can effectively patrol its waters and protect its natural resources. This would boost the country’s economy and provide job opportunities for many Somalis.”

Furthermore, the arms embargo has also undermined the Somali government’s sovereignty and the ability to protect its citizens. The Somali government has the primary responsibility to protect its citizens and maintain law and order in the country. However, the current arms embargo has limited the government’s ability to do so, leaving many Somalis vulnerable to violence and insecurity.

According to Dr. Abdiweli Ali, “The Somali government needs to build a competent security force to combat terrorism, piracy, and other security threats in the country. The lifting of the arms embargo would enable the government to do so and protect its citizens.”

Several key events have also demonstrated the need to lift the arms embargo. In 2017, the Somali government requested the UNSC to lift the arms embargo, citing the urgent need to build a capable security force to combat terrorism and other security threats in the country. The UNSC responded by partially lifting the embargo, allowing the Somali government to purchase weapons from other countries with the approval of a UN monitoring committee. 

However, this partial lifting of the embargo has not been sufficient to enable the Somali government to build a competent security force. The monitoring committee has been slow in processing requests for weapons, and the process has been cumbersome and bureaucratic.

In addition, the partial lifting of the embargo has not addressed the issue of illegal arms trafficking, which remains a significant challenge in Somalia. The Somali government has limited capacity to monitor and regulate the import and export of arms, and this has allowed armed groups to acquire weapons through illicit channels.

According to Dr. Mohamed Ahmed, “The current arms embargo has failed to prevent the flow of weapons to armed groups and warlords in Somalia. The lifting of the embargo would enable the Somali government to regulate the import and export of arms and prevent the misuse of weapons.”

In conclusion, the arms embargo on Somalia has had unintended consequences that have hindered the country’s progress towards stability and development. The Somali government needs to build a competent security force to combat terrorism, piracy, and other security threats in the country. The lifting of the embargo would enable the government to do so and protect its citizens. It would also enable Somalia to protect its territorial waters and natural resources, thus boosting the country’s economy and providing job opportunities for many Somalis.

Therefore, the UNSC needs to lift the arms embargo on Somalia, while also putting in place strict mechanisms for monitoring and regulating the import and export of arms to prevent the misuse of weapons. This would demonstrate the international community’s commitment to Somalia’s progress and development, and provide a pathway towards lasting peace and stability in the country.

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of Diblomaasi, its editorial board or staff.

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The Case for Reunification: Why Somaliland Needs to Rejoin Somalia?

If Somaliland fails to reunite with Somalia, other regions like Awdal might break away and form their own regional state and join the federal government. This could lead to further fragmentation of Somaliland, which would be detrimental to the region’s unity and stability.

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Somaliland, a self-declared independent state in the Horn of Africa, has been seeking international recognition since it declared independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991. However, it has yet to be recognized as a sovereign state by any country, despite its efforts to build a functioning government and a democratic society. While Somaliland has been relatively stable and peaceful compared to the rest of Somalia, there are several reasons why it needs to reunite with the rest of Somalia.

One of the main reasons why Somaliland needs to reunite with the rest of Somalia is to end the ongoing conflict in Laascaanood, which is fueled by unionist sentiments. If Somaliland reunifies with Somalia as a regional state, the regions of Sool, Sanaag, and Cayn, which are fighting for reunification with Somalia, might accept being part of the Somaliland administration. This would help resolve the conflict in Laascaanood and bring stability to the region.

If Somaliland fails to reunite with Somalia, other regions like Awdal might break away and form their own regional state and join the federal government. This could lead to further fragmentation of Somaliland, which would be detrimental to the region’s unity and stability. Moreover, If this happens, Somaliland will be left with only two regions, Waqooyi Galbeed and Togdheer, which would close any window of opportunity that existed for statehood.

In addition, the two remaining separatist regions of Somaliland, Waqooyi Galbeed and Togdheer, are trapped in internal political crises. The current system ignores certain clans, which has led to a sense of marginalization and exclusion. This has created a breeding ground for political unrest and conflict, which has hindered the region’s development and stability.

Reuniting with Somalia could also bring several benefits to Somaliland. First and foremost, it would give Somaliland access to international recognition and aid, which it desperately needs to develop its infrastructure and economy. Additionally, reintegrating with Somalia would provide Somaliland with access to a larger and more diverse political landscape, which would enable the region to build stronger institutions and promote democratic governance. It would also provide Somaliland with access to larger markets, resources, and investment opportunities, which would help to boost economic growth and development.

Furthermore, reunification could lead to greater political representation for Somaliland in the federal government and a more equitable distribution of resources. This could help address some of the grievances that led to Somaliland’s secession in the first place.

In conclusion, Somaliland needs to reunite with the rest of Somalia to end the ongoing conflict in Laascaanood and bring stability to the region. Failure to do so could lead to further fragmentation of Somaliland. The international community should support dialogue and negotiation between Somaliland and the federal government of Somalia to facilitate reunification and address any challenges that arise along the way.

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Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of Diblomaasi, its editorial board or staff.

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